ReviseSociology

Tag: Ethnicity

  • Why are fewer Ethnic Minorities voting for Labour?

    The Left is gradually losing its longstanding support among ethnic minority voters. In the 2024 general election, Labour won less than half of the non-white vote for the first time ever, experiencing a roughly 10% drop compared to its share in 2020. Meanwhile, the Conservative Party achieved some of its best results in areas with large Hindu populations.

    A similar trend is occurring in the United States, where many non-white voters are shifting their support to the Republicans. U.S. polls predict a comparable 10% swing toward the Republicans in the 2024 elections.

    This shift isn’t entirely surprising when examining public opinion surveys from recent years.

    A recent study found that 22% of ethnic minority Britons prioritize keeping taxes low, a figure that aligns closely with white Tory voters. Ethnic minorities also place less emphasis on social justice issues compared to white Labour voters.

    U.S. polls reveal that on issues such as immigration, patriotism, and meritocracy, the average Black or Hispanic voter is significantly more conservative than the average white liberal voter.

    However, it is essential not to overstate the extent of this shift to the right among ethnic minorities.

    For instance, the top three policy issues among white voters in Britain are the NHS, economic growth, and immigration, in that order. In contrast, ethnic minority voters prioritize economic growth, the NHS, and then poverty and inequality.

    Within ethnic minority groups, there is also variation. British Indian and British Chinese voters, for example, hold the most right-leaning economic views among these groups.

    It’s also noteworthy that Labour lost significant support among British Muslims due to its stance on Israel’s actions in Palestine. Many of these voters turned to the Green Party or Independent candidates in the 2024 election.

    Why are ethnic minorities less likely to cote for Labour?

    These voting patterns reflect broader social shifts in the life chances of ethnic minorities. As the inequality gap between ethnic minorities and the white average narrows, we might expect more ethnic minority voters to align with the Conservatives.

    However, factors such as the recent conflict in Gaza show that cultural and religious identities also play a significant role, independent of economic status.

    Sources

    Focaldata (October 2024) NEW REPORT: Minorities Report: The Attitudes of Britain’s Ethnic Minority Population.

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  • Ethnicity in the 2021 UK National Census

    The government added 2 additional options for ethnicity in the 2021 Census: ‘Roma’ and ‘Black British Other’. However, they rejected 53 out of 55 requests for more categories!

    Following the 2011 Census the government engaged in a consultation in 2015 with several organisations and individuals over whether they needed to increase the number of ethnic categories. Based on feedback from 46 organisations and 86 individuals, most of them found the existing categories acceptable, but they received 55 requests for more categories. 

    Some of the examples of requests for new categories included Somali, Jewish and Kashmiri. 

    Of these 55 requests, only two changes were judged to be worth including in the 2021 Census:

    • Including a separate ‘ROMA’ tick box under the ‘White’ category, rather than putting this together with GYPSY. 
    • Including an ‘other’ BLACK category besides AFRICAN and CARIBBEAN, and allowing respondents to write in details.  

    The board of Census experts made their decisions to accept the above two changes for new ethnic categories. They used a standard evaluation procedure in which each category was scored the basis of:

    • User need: was there a need to gather more specific information (easily) on the specific new categories of ethnic group?
    • Lack of alternative information: was there no where else information could be found out about the suggested new group? (This was the case with the Roma category).
    • Clarity of data collection: some categories were rejected because of too much overlap. For example, offering a ‘Kashmiri’ option would probably reduce the number of people ticking ‘Indian’ or ‘Pakistan’. Some of the people who ticked ‘Kashmiri’ would identify as BOTH Pakistani and Kashmiri, or both Indian and Kashmiri. 
    • Consistency with the 2011 Census: taking reliability and comparison with previous data into account. 

    In many cases the Census team decided ethnicity information was already covered already in the ‘religion’ section or by simply allowing respondents to write in their responses would yield sufficient information compared to a fresh tick box.  

    Current list of ethnicity options in the 2021 UK Census…

    list of ethnicity options in the 2021 UK census

    Analysis of changes to ethnicity options: disrespecting Diversity?


    It feels a little like The Census paid lip service to this process rather than seriously considering increasing the number of available categories.

    They sampled less than 100 individuals outside of formal organisations. Of these, 40% of respondents requested a change, which is significant, and then rejected most of these. 

    I imagine the reason for this was practical: once you start increasing the number of ethnicity options the form rapidly becomes impractically long. For example, if you included ‘Somali’, it seems a bit unfair to not include every African subcategory, which would mean dozens more boxes, and so on for every other suggestion. 

    Having an ethnicity section with possibly 200 options would simply be off putting. Allowing respondents to write in their responses means they’ve already covered the ‘inclusion’ aspect. 

    In terms of data analysis, when the Census is online, it’s easy enough to filter by written-in responses.

    Having said that it is worth noting that the Census probably tells us very little about identity. It doesn’t tell us what ethnicity means to the respondents.

    Signposting and sources

    This material is mainly relevant to the Culture and Identity option, usually taught in the first year of A-level sociology.

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  • Why are black students less likely to get first class degrees?

    In 2020/21 85.9% of white students were awarded a first or 2:1 degree compared to only 67.4% of black students.

    This means there is an 18.5% attainment gap between black and white students at university level.

    There is also a smaller attainment gap between all BAME students and white students, of 8.9%, but the most significant gap is between white and black students.

    Why are black students less likely to get firsts?

    Possible explanations include:

    1. They are less likely to attend Russel Group universities
    2. They are less likely to subjects with higher rates of first class degree awarded
    3. They have lower prior A-level attainment
    4. Institutional Racism.

    Russel Group Universities and Ethnicity

    It could be that black students are less likely to go to Russel Group universities which get better results, but this is not the case: equal numbers of black and white students attend Russel Group Universities.

    Does subject choice make a difference?

    There is a significant difference in class of degree awarded by subject and it might be the case that black students are less likely to study subjects which have a high rate of first class degrees awarded.

    Below are the degree subjects which are most likely to be awarded a first: Almost 43% of medicine and dentistry degrees get a first compared to only 17% of law degrees, which is a huge difference (3).

    If black students are more likely to do subjects like law and less likely to do subjects like medicine this could explain why they are also less likely to get first class degrees.

    However, while it is true that black students are more likely to do Law than veterinary sciences, according to Universities UK (4) the differences in attainment by ethnicity within these subjects.

    A level grades

    It could be that black students go into university with lower A-level results which are correlated with lower level degree results.

    However, black students underachieve compared to white students no matter what prior attainment they have as the chart (5) below shows.

    Could it be institutional racism?

    This is the explanation favoured by Universities UK (4) who use the term ‘ degree awarding gap’ rather than ‘degree attainment gap’ in their reports to reflect the fact that the gap is caused by institutional racism or inaction, rather than individual BAME students.

    They conducted research in 2019, followed up in 2022 using a range of quantitative analysis and more qualitative interviews to research the experiences of BAME students.

    The main piece of quantitative evidence to back up the theory that universities are institutionally racist is the underrepresentation of black staff members, with only 2.5% of university staff being black.

    In a recent Guardian article (2) one graduate claims that black students are not listened to by universities, saying that she was warned that she would find it difficult if she did a PhD as a black female students because of racism, effectively being put off from pursing this career path.

    More broadly the article suggests that black students do not feel at home in university and so are less likely to strive for higher level degrees.

    Signposting

    This material is primarily relevant to the education module within A-level sociology.

    To return to the homepage – revisesociology.com

    Sources

    (1) UK Parliament, House of Commons Library (January 2023) Equality of Access and Outcomes in Higher Education in England

    (2) The Guardian (May 2019) As a black student I know why our grades are worse.

    (3) It’s Official: The Degree Subjects Most Likely to get you a First.

    (4) Universities UK (2022) Closing the Gap: Three Years On.

    (5) The original report (2019) from Universities UK on closing the gap.

  • The MET are institutionally racist, sexist and homophobic

    An independent report (1) into the culture of Metropolitan police has found that they are still institutionally racist, as well as misogynistic and homophobic.

    The report was commissioned after one police officer abducted Sarah Everard who he raped and then murdered, and it is depressing reading that reveals a toxic culture which means casual sexism, racism and homophobia exist and frequently go unchallenged.

    Sexism and homophobia in the MET

    • The MET is 72% male and so women are significantly under-represented still.
    • 12% of women working for the MET reported being harassed or attacked and one third said they had experienced sexism.
    • One woman formally complained when she was the victim of sustained harassment and an indecent act by a male superior. He got away with everything and she was made out to be a liar.
    • One in five Lesbian, gay or bisexual officers said they had experienced homophobia and 30% of LGBTQ officers said they had been bullied.
    Pie chart showing statistics on outcomes of abuse of position for sexual purposes in the MET
    Only 3% of complaints related to ‘abuse of position for a sexual purpose’ were found to have a case to answer.

    Racism in the MET

    • The MET is 82% white and thus remains disproportionately white in a capital that is increasingly ethnically diverse
    • Stop and search rates against ethnic minorities are still proportionally higher than against whites.
    • Only 45% of the London population had confidence in the police to do their job effectively, with figures 5-10% lower for Black and Asian respondents.
    • Black and Asian officers are more likely to be disciplined and leave the force early. Black officers are 81% more likely than their white counterparts to go through misconduct processes.
    • There are some shocking individual cases of over racism. For example one Muslim officer found bacon stuffed in boots and one Sikh officer had is beard cut.
    statistics on the proportion of BME officers recruited to the MET
    The recruitment of BME officers fell dramatically between 2015-16 and 2019-20, but is recovering more recently.

    Why is the MET institutionally racist?

    The recruitment process was poor: there was no effective screening in place which might prevent racists and sexists intent on abusing their power from entering the force.

    The management of officers was poor: there were no effective processes for dealing with bad officers or encouraging and developing good officers.

    Complaints against the conduct of officers are frequently not taken seriously, and often just dismissed – thus complaints about sexism and racism often go uninvestigated.

    The report talks of a culture of not speaking up about discrimination among officers and a management culture that encouraged this because when people did complain they were met with defensiveness and denial and there could even be negative career consequences for those who raised complaints.

    Some of the root causes of the failure of MET to tackle institutional discrimination lie in the Tory funding cuts over the last decade. The MET has relatively less money now compared to 10 years ago, and senior officers have to manage huge numbers of regular officers, meaning it is practically very difficult for them to monitor discrimination.

    Also the nature of crime has changed over the last decade: there are a lot more domestic abuse cases which take more police resources to investigate: so the police have less money but a more complex work load.

    The unfortunate irony is that while budgetary pressures mean less focus is being put on combatting discrimination within the MET, crime has changed so that there are more cases requiring reasonable officers who aren’t racist, sexist, homophobes to work on them.

    Sir Mark Rowley, the MET commissioner since September 2022 accepted that the MET had racist, sexist and homophobic officers and a cultural problem, but refused to accept the use of the term ‘institutionally racist’, as does the Home Office.

    Fixing the MET

    The report agued that the Metropolitan police needed a ‘complete overhaul’ to fix its problems, highlighting the Specialist Firearms Unit as particularly dissimilatory.

    Two specific recommendations included giving the (newly appointed) commissioner new powers to deal with complaints against officers and improving the recruitment process so that racist, sexist and homophobic people are prevented from joining the MET in the first place.

    Signposting

    This is a depressing reminder that the MET are still institutionally racist.

    The issue of ethnicity, crime and policing is a core component of the Crime and Deviance unit within A-level sociology courses.

    Sources

    (1) Final Report: An independent review into the standards of behaviour and internal culture of the Metropolitan Police Service, Baroness Casey of Blackstock DBE CB, March 2023.

    (2) The Guardian (March 2023) Met police found to be institutionally racist, misogynistic and homophobic.

  • Ethnic Inequalities in the U.K.

    There are several dimensions to inequality by ethnicity in the United Kingdom.

    Pakistani and Bangladeshi households have among the lowest levels of wealth and income compared to White Households while Black African households have high wealth but lower income.

    Despite their wealth and income, however, White British people have the second lowest life expectancy of all ethnic groups, and despite their relative poverty Bangladeshi women have the second highest life expectancy!

    Household Wealth Inequalities by Ethnicity

    There are significant differences in household wealth by ethnicity.

    The median household wealth in the U.K. between April 2016 and April 2018 (the latest data available) was £286 600. The range between the most and least wealthy ethnic groups was £314 000 for the White British Group and £34 000 for the Black African Group.

    This means that White British households are nine times wealthier than Black-British African households.

    All ethnic minority groups have less household wealth compared to White households, except for Black Caribbean households who are wealthier:

    If we rank ethnic minority groups in order of household wealth from richest to poorest we get the following:

    1. Black Caribbean
    2. White
    3. Chinese
    4. Indian
    5. Bangladeshi
    6. Black African
    7. Pakistani.

    However these differences in household wealth are partly a reflection of two other factors which have a major influence on wealth

    1. The different age profiles of ethnic minority populations. Black Africans especially have a lower age profile than average, in other words they are younger overall, and age has a huge influence on household wealth. Those in the 55-64 age group are 10 times wealthier than those in the 25-34 age group.
    2. Home ownership. Houses tend to be the largest capital investment a family or individual has, and the value of houses is included in the measurement of wealth used by the ONS. Home ownership rates vary by ethnicity and Black Africans have relatively low rates of home ownership, which is in turn partly a reflection of the lower age profile.

    Income Inequality by Ethnicity

    Income inequality varies by ethnicity. The statistics below (2) are for the period 2017 to 2020 (the latest available at time of writing in January 2023).

    Focusing on which ethnic groups are most likely to be in the bottom two quintiles for income, ranking the poorest first:

    • 76% of Pakistani and 75% of Bangladeshi households are in the bottom two quintiles.
    • 75% of Bangladeshi households
    • 62% of black households are in the bottom two quintiles
    • 49% of Chinese households are in the bottom two quintiles
    • 40% of Asian and 38% of households are in the bottom two quintiles.

    So to summarise Pakistani and Bangladeshi households are almost twice as likely to be in poor households compared to the average (which is 40% which is the poorest two quintiles or 2/5 or 4/10!).

    Black households are 1.5 times more likely and Chinese households are slightly more likely to be poor.

    Indian and White British households are at 40%, which is in line with the national average.

    The figures are similar for the chances of having a high income household by ethnicity.

    Ethnic Differences in Life Expectancy

    Life expectancy at birth for females varies by ethnicity from 83.1 years for those of mixed ethnicity to 88.9 years for those of Black African ethnicity.

    The differences here don’t seem to correlate at all with inequalities in wealth and income.

    For example the White ethnic group has the second lowest life expectancy despite having some of the highest wealth and income.

    Also Bangladeshi and Pakistani females have differing life expediencies despite having very similar levels of household income.

    The pattern is similar for males but with overall lower life expectancy in all ethnic groups.

    Signposting

    This material is of general relevance to a whole range of sociology modules, from education to crime and deviance!

    You might also like this post – another aspect of ethnic inequalities covered elsewhere: educational achievement by ethnicity.

    To return to the homepage – revisesociology.com

    Sources

    (1) Office for National Statistics (November 2020) Household wealth by ethnicity, Great Britain: April 2016 to March 2018.

    (2) GOV.UK Income Distribution by Ethnicity.

    (3) Office for National Statistics: Ethnic Differences in Life Expectancy.

  • PREVENT: Discriminating Against Muslims?

    PREVENT requires schools to monitor pupils for their potential to become radicalised into extremist views and become terrorist.

    While PREVENT doesn’t specify that schools should focus mainly on preventing Muslims from becoming extremist, an increasing body of research suggests this is what happens and as a result PREVENT as a policy is discriminatory.

    What is Prevent?

    PREVENT was introduced in 2015 and today forms part of the United Kingdom’s counter-terrorism strategy. Schools are among those institutions which are required to prevent young people from being drawn into terrorism.

    The government notes that terrorism is often driven by extremist beliefs and for the sake of prevent defines extremism as:

    “vocal or active opposition to fundamental British values, including democracy, the rule of law, individual liberty and mutual respect and tolerance of different faiths and beliefs.” (1)

    PREVENT requires Local Education Authorities to use terrorist risk profiles to assess the risk of certain students being drawn into terrorism, and where necessary take appropriate action, which might mean sharing information with other agencies such as the police themselves.

    However for the most part PREVENT requires that schools teach British Values and the importance of community cohesion.

    Problems with PREVENT

    In 2015 the Muslim Council of Great Britain raised a number of concerns (2) that the way PREVENT was being deployed in schools was both discriminatory against Muslims and having a harmful effect on mainly Muslim children.

    They noted that 60% of referrals under PREVENT had been against Muslim children, even though they only made up 5% of the population, while only 10% of referrals were for white extremists, despite the growth in far right views in Britain.

    They cite a number of case studies such as:

    • A two year old with learning difficulties being referred to social services after singing an Islamic song and then saying “Allahu Akbar” spontaneously afterwards.
    • Two students were referred to Senior Leadership Team at one school for making way for a female student and lowering their gaze as she went past.
    • In one school a physics teacher referred a Muslim student to the PREVENT team because he asked how to make a bomb, he hadn’t made a similar referral for a white student who had asked the same previously.

    Human Rights Watch (3) argues that the implementation of PREVENT has violated students’ right to education and freedom of expression, making many Muslim students feel as if they cannot freely discuss religious and political issues for fear of being referred to the police.

    The report cites the case of one eight year old who was subjected to an interrogation by authorities because a teacher mis-identified a name in Arabic on his T-shirt.

    The main problem has been relying on teachers who are not well trained enough to identify the signs of radicalisation in children. Because of lack of training and mis-interpretation, some teachers end up alienating mainly Muslim students.

    PREVENT and Islamophobia

    Even though the 2021 update of PREVENT guidance doesn’t specify that school policy should be specifically focused on preventing Islamic extremism (NB the 2015 original version of PREVENT did), in practice PREVENT is usually interpreted through an Islamophobic lens.

    In other words, schools mainly target Muslim students with PREVENT policies.

    Jerome et al (4) cite survey research which found that over half of Black and Ethnic Minority students feel stigmatised by the PREVENT policy and feel as if the policy has made the creation of an ethnically inclusive school environment more difficult.

    Signposting and Related Posts

    This material is mainly relevant to the education topic within the sociology of education.

    Sources

    (1) Gov.UK (2021) Revised Prevent Duty Guidance for England and Wales.

    (2) Muslim Council of Great Britain (2015) Concerns on Prevent.

    (3) Human Rights Watch (2016) Preventing Education.

    (4) Jerome et Al (2019) The Impact of the Prevent Duty on Schools: A Review of the Evidence.

  • Should Teaching Black, Asian and Minority History be Mandatory in British Schools?

    The Footballer Troy Deeney recently commissioned a YouGov survey of 1000 teachers which found that around 75% of them think the government needs to do more to help them improve the diversity of history teaching, to include a wider range of experiences and views of ethnic minorities.

    Troy Deeney is one of many activists campaigning for more multiculturalism in British education, as shown by his recent open letter to the Secretary of State for Education:

    https://twitter.com/t_deeney/status/1496231385933168644?s=21

    Troy’s motivation, as he says in his letter, was that he was expelled from school at the age of 15, and he believes that if school curriculums reflected a more diverse range of views from ethnic minorities, this would help his own and other ethnic minority education feel more included and get more out of their formal education.

    Relevance to A-level Sociology

    This is clearly relevant to the topic of ethnicity and education within the education module.

    Troy Deeney is suggesting a policy change which would make it compulsory to teach from a more diverse range of perspectives.

    If we look at educational achievement at GCSE in recent years there doesn’t seem to be much of a case to be made for doing this – the achievement gap between ethnic groups has narrowed considerably, with Black Caribbean students being the only relatively large minority group falling significantly behind White students. Indian and Chinese students do better!

    So the argument for more multicultural education has to come from a broader base than just differences in educational attainment, and given the problems we still have with racism in British society (think about Cricket recently!) there is certainly an argument for having a broader diversity of views taught across the curriculum.

    However, IF we did this, it might just backfire, it might create more resentment, more polarisation, a sense of ‘forcing multiculutralism down peoples’ throats’.

    Especially if we think about the extent of white working class underachievement and the current backlash against multiculturalism in many American schools.

    It might be better just to leave formal education as it is and just encourage more ethnic mixing within classrooms – just get black, white and asian kids to work together collaboratively on projects and to work and play together – and let the sharing of cultures and values take place a bit more naturally?

  • Heidi Safia Mirza: Young Female and Black

    Young Female and Black is a research study of 198 young women and men who attended two comprehensive schools in London in the late 1980s. The main focus of the study is on 62 black women. The book was published in 1992.

    Mirza used a variety of research methods, but this is primarily an example of a qualitative research study using observations and interviews with both pupils and parents. 

    The myth of Underachievement 

    Mirza argued that there was evidence of racism from some teachers, and that some of the girls felt that teachers had low expectations of them, she argues that these negative labels did not have a negative impact on the girls’ self-esteem.

    When asked who they most admired, almost 50% of the girls said themselves, and the black girls in the study achieved better exam results than black boys and white girls in the school, both of which criticise the labelling theory of underachievement.

    Types of Teacher

    Overt Racists

    These teachers were ‘overtly racist’. One of them even used the term ‘wog’ when talking to one of the black girls. The girls tried to avoid these teachers as far as possible and strongly rejected their negative opinions of black people.

    The Christians

    These teachers had a ‘colour blind’ attitude to ethnic differences. Their attitude was less harmful than that of the overt racists, but did create some problems. For example, they opposed the setting up multi-ethnic working parties because they didn’t believe there was a problem with racism in the school.

    The crusaders

    These were the teachers who tried to actively develop anti racist teaching strategies in their classrooms, however this could backfire. For example one teacher introduced a role play about a truanting pupil and her social worker, designed to reflect the experience of black pupils. However none of the girls in the class has ever played truant or had a social worker.

    The liberal chauvenists

    These teachers genuinely wanted to help black students, but their help was often patronizing and counter-productive. For example some teachers insisted black girls did less subjects because they felt they could not cope with a more demanding work load, because of issues like their parents not being able to cope at home.

    This later point seems very similar to what Gilborn and Youdell found with banding and streaming!

    Despite this, this group of teachers was well respected by the all students and were generally useful in helping identifying the needs of black girls.

    Ineffective Teachers and Alternative Strategies

    Most of the teachers were genuinley concerned with helping the black girls achieve a decent education, however, most failed to so and negative labelling made if difficult for the girls to realise their full potential.

    Despite this, the girls were committed to academic success, but felt it necessary to avoid asking for help from most teachers, which was detrimental to their success.

    Conclusions

    This is an interesting study that criticises the labelling theory of educational acheivement – the girls did not accept their negative labels from their teachers and had positive self-esteem.

    However, the end result was that still failed to reach their full potential because their only coping strategy amidst overt racism and negative labelling was to avoid teachers as far as possible and effectively study by themselves, meaning they were still disadvantaged in education.

    Adapted from Haralambos and Holborn (2013) Sociology Themes and Perspectives, edition 8.

  • Gilborn and Youdell – Rationing Education

    This study demonstrates how marketisation polices and racialised banding and streaming disadvantage black students in education.

    Gilborn and Youdell (2000, 2001) studied two London Comprehensive schools (which they called Taylor and Clough) over two years, focussing on Key Stage 4 (ages 14-16) and GCSE results.

    They used a mixed methods approach using classroom observation, interviews and the analysis of secondary documents.

    Black students underachieving compared to white students

    Gilborn and Youdell noted that in both schools, white students where achieving twice as many good passes (A-C) as white students.

    Differential educational achievement by ethnicity was even starker when they compared those achieving a grade C or above in Maths, English and Science Subjects. In Clough school, 18% of white students achieved this, but only 4% of black students. In Taylor school, 37% of students managed it, but 0% of black students!!!

    GCSE Tiers and and Educational Triage

    Gilborn and Youdell believe that the introduction of tiers at GCSE was the main underlying reason for the ethnic differences in achievement outlined above.

    Different GCSE tiers meant that students sat different papers based on their perceived ability – higher ability students got harder papers, which would allow them the opportunity to achieve an A, while lower ability students sat an easier exam paper, where the maximum grade they could achieve was a C.

    14-16 education in both schools was organised through banding and streaming: students were put in the top bands if teachers believed they had the ability to sit the higher tier, more difficult exam paper, but restricted to the lower bands if it was thought their maximum potential was a C grade.

    Gilborn and Youdell further argued that the schools operate a ‘triage’ system based on the perceived ability of the students.

    Triage is a military-medical term which describes how medical treatment for wounded soldiers is rationed:

    1. Those who need urgent treatment to survive are prioritized
    2. Those with less urgent, non life threatening needs are dealt with later
    3. Hopeless cases are left to die

    Educational Triage works along similar lines, with schools rationing education based on the perceived chances of a student gaining five good (A-C) GCSEs.

    1. Borderline students who could get 5 good GCSEs but need help to do so are prioritized.
    2. More able students who will probably get 5 good GCSEs anyway are dealt with as necessary
    3. Hopeless cases are written off.

    Racialised Expectations

    Gilborn and Youdell believed that teachers were not intentionally racist, in fact most of them were committed to equality of opportunity.

    However, they also found that teachers tended to have lower expectations of black students compared to white students, which resulted in them being put in the lower sets, and written off as having no hope of ever achieving five good GCSE grades.

    In Clough School for example, 29% of white students but 38% of black students where written off into the lower sets.

    One of the reasons for lower expectations was because teachers often believed black students had a harder home life with higher poverty levels and high rates of absent fathers, making studying at home difficult, hence they often judged that black students would be less able to cope with the higher levels of work demanded of being put into higher tiers.

    Gilborn and Youdell also found that teachers expected to have more discipline problems with black students and that ‘control and punishment’ should be given a higher priority than ‘academic concerns’.

    When interviewed the black students themselves felt discriminated against tended to believe that their entry into low sets and lower tiered papers was not warranted based on their academic performance.

    However, if black students questioned their low predicted grades or why they were in a lower set this would be seen as a challenge or a threat to authority rather than a legitimate councern.

    Conclusions/ evaluations and relevance to A-level sociology

    This is a useful study to show how the macro (marketisation policy) and micro (teacher labelling ) aspects of education work together to disadvantage black students.

    However, given the current trends in educational achievement, with black Caribbean students catching up with white students, I wonder how relevant this is today.

    I also have to wonder how representative these schools were. To have no black students in one of those schools achieving a grade C in English, Maths or Science, that has to be extremely rare?

    Adapted from Haralambos and Holborn (2013) Sociology Themes and Perspectives, edition 8.

  • Racial Harassment seems to be common in British Universities, but largely ignored by them.

    The Equality and Human Rights Commission recently conducted an Inquiry into Racial Harassment in Universities.

    The findings from the inquiry are broken down into three reports, all published in October 2019.

    Survey of University Students

    This was a short online survey (7-8 minutes) which was completed by just over 1000 students. Ethnic minorities were deliberately over-represented to boost the sample size of some of the smaller sub groups (roughly 50-50 white to ethnic minority sampling).

    The survey reports that:

    • Just over one in ten of all students (13%) had experienced racial harassment since starting their course.
    • Around a quarter of students from an ethnic minority background (24%) had experienced racial harassment, compared to 9% of White students.
    • Men were twice as likely as women to have experienced racial harassment (16% and 8% respectively).

    The main types of harassment experienced

    This image has an empty alt attribute; its file name is type-of-racial-harassment.jpg

    Only 33% of cases reported

    This image has an empty alt attribute; its file name is reported.jpg

    The report notes that the main reason for not reporting (cited in 44% of cases) was that the victims had no confidence that the matter would be dealt with effectively.

    Survey of Universities

    The EHRC’s survey of universities reveals that they receive very few complaints of racial harassment from either students or staff. The report notes that:

    “Institutions received an average of 2.3 complaints of racial
    harassment of staff and 3.6 complaints of racial harassment of
    students between the start of the 2015/16 academic year and
    January 2019.

    This equates to roughly one complaint for every 1,850 university
    employees and one complaint for every 4,100 students since the start
    of the 2015/16 academic year.”

    Main reason for reporting racial harassment

    Perhaps unsurprisingly, the main type of harassment reported is verbal…

    This image has an empty alt attribute; its file name is most-racial-harrassment-is-verbal.jpg

    Confidence levels in the reporting figures.

    This image has an empty alt attribute; its file name is confidence-levels-racist-reporting.jpg

    56% of staff are confident that the above figures are accurate, slightly lower for students

    Outcomes of reports for harassment

    Less than 40% of cases for students, and only 17% for staff result in some kind of redress fro the victim…

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    A few problems with the methodology of this study…

    • It’s not clear how the students were sampled (it doesn’t say in the report) – this may be a self selecting sample – students who have experienced racism are maybe more likely to take part.
    • There’s a lot of problems with subjectivity over definitions of terms, and whether some of the incidents being reported are actual harassment. Students reporting that they’ve been eluded from events on racial grounds for example – it’s very difficult to prove this is because of race, and I’m fairly sure it doesn’t count as harassment.

    Conclusions

    According to students in England’s universities, the experience of racial harassment is common place, with 13%, or roughly 1 out of every 7 students having been a victim of some sort of unfair treatment on the basis of race.

    If we look at just ethnic minority students, 24% believe they have been a victim of racial harassment.

    However, the universities seem to be largely oblivious to this – they only record 1 incident per 4000 students, which is so far away from the stated figures that the students themselves.

    Maybe more worryingly 55% of universities think their own recordings are accurate. I think we can at least conclude from the above survey of students that this is something they may need to investigate!

    Finally, if 33% of cases of harassment are being reported to universities, they are certainly not being recorded, again something which seems to suggest that universities are ignoring the issue!

    Find out more

    You could investigate the above reports for yourself, and even check out the qualitative findings if you like!